Kolintang

The Kolintang music instrument originated from Minahasa. It is similar to a wooden xylophone and is popular nationwide. One version of local folklore states that the name Kolintang came from its sounds: TING (high pitch note), TANG (moderate pitch note) and TONG (low pitch note). In the local language, the invitation "Let us do some TING TANG TONG" is: "mangemo kumolintang", hence the name of the instrument, Kolintang.
In its early days, Kolintang originally consisted of only a series of wooden bars placed side by side in a row on the legs of the players who would sit on the floor with both of their legs stretched out in front of them. Later on, the function of the legs was replaced either by two poles of banana trunk or by a rope which hung them up to a wooden plank. Story says that resonance box was beginning to be attached to this instrument after Diponegoro, a prince from Java who was exiled to Minahasa, brought along the Javanese instrument Gamelan with its resonance box, Gambang.
Kolintang had a close relationship with the traditional belief of Minahasan natives. It was usually played in ancestor worshipping rituals. That might explain the reason why Kolintang was nearly totally left behind when Christianity came to North Sulawesi. It was so rarely played that it was nearly extinct for about a 100 year since then. It only reappeared after the World War II, pioneered by the blind musician Nelwan Katuuk, who reconstructed it according to universal musical scales. Initially, there was only one kind of Kolintang instrument which was a 2 octave diatonical melody instrument. It was usually played with other string instruments such as guitar, ukulele or string bass as accompaniment.

Afloat Market

Muara Kuin Floating Market is one kind of trading interaction patterns of people who live above the water. The sellers and buyers conduct the trade on boats called Jukung (Banjar Language). The trade activities start after morning prayer and usually end when the sun has moved up about 9 a.m. (Middle Indonesia Time). Late that that, the market is deserted by the traders who go along the river, selling their stuff to the inhabitants living along the river.

This floating market has existed since more than 400 years ago and this is the proof about the trading activities of people who live above the water. Like markets in the land, on this floating market, trading commodities, such as vegetables, fruits, fishes, and other household needs are also sold. The first buyer is called dukuh while the second buyer who buys from the first hand to be sold again is called panyambangan. In this market, visitors can watch the trading transaction which is done traditionally by bartering amongst boating traders. In Banjar Language, it is called bapanduk.

Unfortunately, the attractive condition of trading activities on boat gradually loses its fame, not only because of the decreasing amount of the local traders, but also because of traders‘ attitude which is not friendly anymore and the lack of support from the government of Banjarmasin City. The government policy to build market in the land nearby Muara Kuin floating market and hundreds of low bridges which block the river traffic access directly or indirectly, is one the causes make the trading activities disappear in this floating market.

Visiting Muara Kuin floating market will give unforgettable memories about how the people who live above the water complete their daily needs. Besides, visitors will also know the trading transaction pattern which have existed since more than 400 years. Because this market has become a witness of economic activity journey of South Kalimantan society, a familiar saying appears that “if you have not yet visited Muara Kuin floating market, you have not gone to Banjarmasin”.

The jostling situation between big boats in this floating market is pretty unique and special. The jukung drivers with his skill of chasing the buyers or the sellers who hang around and oaring their boat which often shakes because of Barito River wave. Tourists who come from big cities will feel different sensation when seeing woman traders with their wide hat riding in a boat to sell garden products or food made by themselves.

Floating market does not have organization as market in land, so it is not recorded how many traders and visitors, the traders division based on commodity, and places to sell which always move.

Visitors who only want to relax can enjoy a cup of tea or coffee and food/cookies from Banjar, while enjoying the shaking wave which spring upon the klotok (motorboat) that is ridden. Visitors can also see floating houses (Lanting House) which are located along the river side.

Wayang kulit

Wayang is a generic term denoting traditional theatre in Indonesia. There is no evidence that wayang existed before Hinduism came to Southeast Asia sometime in the first century CE. However, there very well may have been indigenous storytelling traditions that had a profound impact on the development of the traditional puppet theatre. The first record of a wayang performance is from an inscription dated 930 CE which says "si Galigi mawayang," or "Sir Galigi played wayang". From that time till today it seems certain features of traditional puppet theatre have remained. Galigi was an itinerant performer who was requested to perform for a special royal occasion. At that event he performed a story about the hero Bima from the Mahabharata.

Hinduism arrived in Indonesia from India even before the Christian era, and was slowly adopted as the local belief system. Sanskrit became the literary and court language of Java and later of Bali. The Hindus changed the Wayang (as did the Muslims, later) to spread their religion, mostly by stories from the Mahabharata or the Ramayana. Later this mixture of religion and wayang play was praised as harmony between Hinduism and traditional Indonesian culture. On Java, the western part of Sumatra and some smaller islands traditionalists continued to play the old stories for some time, but the influence of Hinduism prevailed and the traditional stories either fell into oblivion or were integrated into the Hinduistic plays.

The figures of the wayang are also present in the paintings of that time, for example, the roof murals of the courtroom in Klungkung, Bali. They are still present in traditional Balinese painting today.

When Islam began spreading in Indonesia, the display of God or gods in human form was prohibited, and thus this style of painting and shadow play was suppressed. King Raden Patah of Demak, Java, wanted to see the wayang in its traditional form, but failed to obtain permission from the Muslim religious leaders. As an alternative, the religious leaders converted the wayang golek into wayang purwa made from leather, and displayed only the shadow instead of the figures itself. Instead of the forbidden figures only their shadow picture was displayed, the birth of the wayang kulit.

The figures are painted, flat woodcarvings (a maximum of 5 to 15 mm thick -- barely half an inch) with movable arms. The head is solidly attached to the body. Wayang klitikcan be used to perform puppet plays either during the day or at night. This type of wayang is relatively rare.

Wayang today is both the most ancient and most popular form of puppet theatre in the world. Hundreds of people will stay up all night long to watch the superstar performers, dalang, who command extravagant fees and are international celebrities. Some of the most famous dalang in recent history are Ki Nartosabdho, Ki Anom Suroto, Ki Asep Sunarya, Ki Sugino, and Ki Manteb Sudarsono.

Wayang kulit, shadow puppets prevalent in Java and Bali in Indonesia, and Kelantan in Malaysia, are without a doubt the best known of the Indonesian wayang. Kulit means skin, and refers to the leather construction of the puppets that are carefully chiseled with very fine tools and supported with carefully shaped buffalo horn handles and control rods.

The stories are usually drawn from the Ramayana, the Mahabharata or the Serat Menak. The island of Lombok has developed its own style of Serat Menak called "kazangiloonga".

There is a family of characters in Javanese wayang called Punakawan; they are sometimes referred to as "clown-servants" because they normally are associated with the story's hero, and provide humorous and philosophical interludes. Semar is the father of Gareng (oldest son), Petruk, and Bagong (youngest son). These characters did not originate in the Hindu epics, but were added later, possibly to introduce mystical aspects of Islam into the Hindu-Javanese stories. They provide something akin to a political cabaret, dealing with gossip and contemporary affairs.

The puppets figures themselves vary from place to place. In Central Java the city of Surakarta (Solo) is most famous and is the most commonly imitated style of puppets. Regional styles of shadow puppets can also be found in West Java, Banyumas, Cirebon, Semarang, and East Java. Bali produces more compact and naturalistic figures, and Lombok has figures representing real people. Often modern-world objects as bicycles, automobiles, airplanes and ships will be added for comic effect, but for the most part the traditional puppet designs have changed little in the last 300 years.

Historically, the performance consisted of shadows cast on a cotton screen and an oil lamp. Today, the source of light used in wayang performance in Java is most often a halogen electric light. Some modern forms of wayang such as Wayang Sandosa created in the Art Academy at Surakarta (STSI) has employed spotlights, colored lights and other innovations.

The handwork involved in making a wayang kulit figure that is suitable for a performance takes several weeks, with the artists working together in groups. They start from master models (typically on paper) which are traced out onto kulit (skin or parchment), providing the figures with an outline and with indications of any holes that will need to be cut (such as for the mouth or eyes). The figures are then smoothed, usually with a glass bottle, and primed. The structure is inspected and eventually the details are worked through. A further smoothing follows before individual painting, which is undertaken by yet another craftsman. Finally, the movable parts (upper arms, lower arms with hands and the associated sticks for manipulation) mounted on the body, which has a central staff by which it is held. A crew makes up to ten figures at a time, typically completing that number over the course of a week.

The painting of less expensive puppets is handled expediently with a spray technique, using templates, and with a different person handling each color. Less expensive puppets, often sold to children during performances, are sometimes made on cardboard instead of leather.(Wikipedia)

Funeral Rites in Toraja

In Toraja society, the funeral ritual is the most elaborate and expensive event. The richer and more powerful the individual, the more expensive is the funeral. In the aluk religion, only nobles have the right to have an extensive death feast. The death feast of a nobleman is usually attended by thousands and lasts for several days. A ceremonial site, called rante, is usually prepared in a large, grassy field where shelters for audiences, rice barns, and other ceremonial funeral structures are specially made by the deceased family. Flute music, funeral chants, songs and poems, and crying and wailing are traditional Toraja expressions of grief with the exceptions of funerals for young children, and poor, low-status adults. The ceremony is often held weeks, months, or years after the death so that the deceased's family can raise the significant funds needed to cover funeral expenses. Torajans traditionally believe that death is not a sudden, abrupt event, but a gradual process toward Puya (the land of souls, or afterlife). During the waiting period, the body of the deceased is wrapped in several layers of cloth and kept under the tongkonan. The soul of the deceased is thought to linger around the village until the funeral ceremony is completed, after which it begins its journey to Puya.

Another component of the ritual is the slaughter of water buffalo. The more powerful the person who died, the more buffalo are slaughtered at the death feast. Buffalo carcasses, including their heads, are usually lined up on a field waiting for their owner, who is in the "sleeping stage". Torajans believe that the deceased will need the buffalo to make the journey and that they will be quicker to arrive at Puya if they have many buffalo. Slaughtering tens of water buffalo and hundred of pigs using a machete is the climax of the elaborate death feast, with dancing and music and young boys who catch spurting blood in long bamboo tubes. Some of the slaughtered animals are given by guests as "gifts", which are carefully noted because they will be considered debts of the deceased's family.

There are three methods of burial: the coffin may be laid in a cave or in a carved stone grave, or hung on a cliff. It contains any possessions that the deceased will need in the afterlife. The wealthy are often buried in a stone grave carved out of a rocky cliff. The grave is usually expensive and takes a few months to complete. In some areas, a stone cave may be found that is large enough to accommodate a whole family. A wood-carved effigy, called tau tau, is usually placed in the cave looking out over the land. The coffin of a baby or child may be hung from ropes on a cliff face or from a tree. This hanging grave usually lasts for years, until the ropes rot and the coffin falls to the ground. (Wikipedia)

Link Funeral Rites in Tana Toraja

Reog Ponorogo

The East Javanese town of Ponorogo, nestled in a remote valley between two extinct volcanoes, has long had a reputation throughout the island for the magical powers and sexual potency of its inhabitants. It has a long history of violent and radical politics, with a well-established tradition of rebellion. Two figures central to this image are the warok and gemblak. The term warok is said to originate from the Javanese words uwal and rokan meaning to be free from forced labour.Due to their martial and magical abilities, the warok were often advisers and strong men for the local ruler, and hence free from the obligations of ordinary villagers. Another popular interpretation suggests that the term originates from the Arabic word waro'a, meaning an ascetic, or one who practises mysticism. Onghokham draws attention to the influence of warok and jago (men of prowess] as leaders in village political life. The warok was rarely part of the official government, and thus played a somewhat ambiguous role, residing in the margins of social and political life. On the one hand his standing amongst villagers made his support crucial for any aspiring ruler and he often acted as an agent for higher authorities. At the same time, however, his unofficial status also made him a potentially dangerous adversary and troublemaker. The warok was a power broker, an intermediary between higher and lower powers, in the concrete and cosmological sense. His authority was intensely personal, depending on mastery of invulnerability, silat [martial arts], magic, and religious knowledge, as well as the fear and admiration with which villagers regarded him.
Read more>>
http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue2/Warok.html

Saman Dance

"Saman" the most popular dance in Aceh and the dance that has become well-known abroad with the name "Thousand hands". It has its origin from the Alas ethnic group and is normally performed to celebrate the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad. and other important occasions. Eight to twenty male performers kneel in a row on the floor and make different kinds of torso movements accompanied by songs, clapping hands, slapping chests, slapping hands on the floor, etc. The songs are praises to Allah or prayers. The dance starts with slow movements and increases its tempo gradually to great speed and finally come to a sudden stop. There are many different regional versions of "Saman"

Saman's Dance Implisit>>

Bull Racing

Bull Racing in Madura is a folk sport that come, into existence long, long ago. Though the colour and excitement is different from the familiar sports of Westerners, it is equally interesting and thrilling. Conducted in the rice fields, the past time evolved into an organized sport with adherents not only in Madura, but spreading to nearby East Java as well. Much later, in 1926 the Dutch East Indies government recognizing the positive impact of the sports on efforts to develop animal husbandry in the province, made available an annual subsidy of 10.000 guiders (± $3220) to promote bull racing in Madura.

Ngaben

Balinese religion is based on respect for and worship of God and ancestors, and is a combination of Hindu elements and indigenous Balinese culture. After death, the body must be dissolved and returned to its original elements. The cremation ritual is a purification rite which frees the roh (soul or spirit) from its temporary earthly house and facilitates its journey to its next existence.

After a death, the whole village helps with preparations for the cremation. The mayat (dead body) is laid out in a special house to be bathed and prepared. Meals are prepared and offered to the deceased as normal. Around the body and entrance to the house are placed damar kuranung (lamps), which notify people of the death and help facilitate the soul's journey and to keep the person's memory alive.

The night before the cremation, holy water is collected from the temple and used in preparation of the body and during the cremation. Any important ceremonies which have been missed during the deceased's lifetime must be carried out prior to cremation. Some Balinese are buried until the cremation can be organised or to wait for an auspicious date. The bones are exhumed a few days before the cremation then prepared in the same way as the whole body.

All the village unites for the cremation, which is a joyous occasion. After cremation, the ashes are placed in the sea - achieving final separation of the soul from the body.

The size and elaborateness of the cremation ceremony reflects the wealth of the deceased's family. Since cremations are large and expensive festivals, sometimes the body is temporarily buried until the family can afford the cremation. The cremation may take place years after the death of the individual.

Ider-ider paintings tell a story using a sequence of scenes on a horizontal strip in the style of a comic. They were tied under the eaves of temple or palace pavilions and read by walking around the building. This segment shows the cremation of Abimanyu, the heroic son of Arjuna, who died from being pierced by 100 arrows. One of his wives, Uttari, is pregnant and not permitted to join her husband in death, but his other wife Sundari leaps from the ramp into the fire, where her soul is released and flies upward in the form of a bird.

The tika is a complex 210-day-per-year calendar mainly used by Balinese ritual experts to advise the Balinese villager of the most appropriate day for undertaking any important activity, such as a cremation

In the past, an anthropomorphic (human-like) figure made from Chinese coins and cotton thread was placed lengthwise on the body after death. Called the 'measure', it ensured that after rebirth, the deceased's bones would be in the right dimensions and arrangement. Today, Chinese coins, rice and other offerings are thrown from the cremation tower as it travels to the cremation ground.

Stone jumping (hombo batu)

By: George Junus Aditjondro

Stone jumping (hombo batu) and surfing are the two most well-known attractions for tourists coming to the island of Nias, 75 miles west of Sumatera, which only take place in Teluk Dalam on Nias’ south coast. Young Nias men jump over 2-meters stone walls for Rp 50,000, in the village of Bawomatoluo. Meanwhile, surfing was introduced and developed by foreign tourists on the beach of Sorake.

Coming all the way to Nias, however, tourists should not limit themselves to stone jumping and surfing, since the island — with a civilization dating back to the Dongson period of North Vietnam — has a unique traditional architecture adapted to the frequent earthquake tremors in the region.

Two original solutions were created by the Nias ancestors. Firstly, all houses were set on a series of vertical pillars (enomo) which are not anchored into the ground, but rest on stone blocks. Secondly, the vertical pillars were reinforced by slanting piles (ndriwa), which created a very resistant earthquake-proof three-dimensional structure.

While surviving earthquakes, Nias traditional architecture is presently endangered by two big challenges, namely deforestation and modernization. Nias has largely been stripped of its forests over the past 150 years since head hunting ceased and the population grew rapidly. This has nearly depleted the native efoa, manawa dano, and simalambuo hardwood trees, used for the pillars of the traditional clan houses (omo hada), chief houses (omo sebua or omo nifolasara) and large meeting halls (omo bale).

Secondly, modernization has reduced the strength of the clan (mado), with most Nias people preferring now to live in Malay houses, while the government has also forsaken Nias traditional architecture in all official buildings.

The billions of rehabilitation and reconstruction dollars channeled to Nias through the NAD-Nias Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Body (BRR), overlooked the need to revive this cultural heritage of Nias.

Fortunately, two European charities — the German aid organization, Johanniter Unfall Hilfe, and the British Turnstone Tsunami Fund — have assisted the rebuilding of remaining omo hada on the island. Johanniter cooperated with the Nias Heritage Museum (Museum Pusaka Nias) in Gunungsitoli, the capital of the Nias district, while the Turnstone Tsunami Fund cooperated with the Medan-based North Sumatera Heritage.

With Johanniter’s assistance, Museum Pusaka Nias has helped families rehabilitate 26 traditional wooden houses in 13 villages. In addition, with financial assistance from the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta and the Muenster and Konstant Municipalities in Germany, the Museum has rehabilitated eight more traditional houses in seven other villages. Then, with the assistance of other donors, the Museum has distributed funds — ranging from Rp 200,000 to Rp 5,000,000 — to 357 traditional house owners to rebuild their traditional houses.

The museum was trusted by all those donors due to the serious dedication of its director, Johannes Hammerle, OFM Cap, a naturalized German-born priest, to revive Nias traditional architecture. The Museum director has studied chief houses (omo sebua) since 1990, and supervised the construction of the museum compound — with its various wooden buildings — according to Nias traditional architecture, involving Nias and German carpenters.

In the museum compound, one can observe a South Nias rectangular wooden house, used as a guest house, where the author has twice stayed, and a North Nias oval wooden house, used as an office building. The oval house, called omo laraga, originated from Sinandraolo village near Gunung Sitoli. Owned by the family of Ama Jeni Telaumbanua, it collapsed during the 2005 earthquake.

The traditional house was rebuilt in the museum compound and modernized with an indoor toilet, with the financial assistance of Brigitte Ott and Guenter Ott and their colleagues from the German International School in Jakarta. The omo laraga was inaugurated on June 22, 2007, with the traditional house inauguration dance, Fameheu Omo, by high school kids dancing and jumping on the floor, to test the house’s structural strength.

Meanwhile, the Turnstone Tsunami Fund has rebuilt the chief house (omo nifolasara) in the village of Hilinawalo Mazingo, the oldest omo hada in Southern Nias. This magnificent chief house had survived nearly three centuries, but was in desperate need of restoration after falling victim to intense sun, rain, insect infestation, neglect, and finally, the March 2005 earthquake.

In 2005 and 2006, the Turnstone Tsunami Fund focused on training a younger generation of Nias men, ranging from 23 to 50 years of age, by the elderly village carpenter, Ama Liana, in four-week courses, supported by the Carpenter’s Company of the City of London.

Following two carpentry courses, all houses in Hilinawalo Mazingo and four surrounding villages had been fully repaired by mid 2006. In addition, this project also supported a reforestation education project with local teenagers, led by a Nias school teacher, Yamin, and using afoa seedlings.

Thanks to these massive programs, Nias will have much more to offer to tourists than swimming and snorkeling in Teluk Dalam, watching stone jumping in Bawomatoluo, and surfing at Sorake. It would be nice if BRR and all aid agencies contribute to reviving this unique cultural heritage.

As Roger Miall from the Turnstone Tsunami Fund suggested is his email letter to me, some help from BRR to build a road to the village of Hilinawalo Mazingo would encourage tourist to visit the restored chief house. Meanwhile, tourism agencies should incorporate visits and short periods of living in Nias’ omo hada in their packages, similar to tourism packages in Sarawak, East Malaysia, where tourists are encouraged to visit and live in Dayak long houses. Or in Mentawai, where tourists also can visit and live for short time in the indigenous people’s longhouses.

The author is currently researching the reconstruction of Aceh and Nias, and can be contacted at georgejunusaditjondro@gmail.com

Sekaten and Gerebeg Maulud

Sekaten ceremony starts on the 5^th day of the Javanese month Maulud. People from Yogyakarta and villages around the city still believe that by celebrating Sekaten, particularly when listening to the sets of the Gamelan music, they will get rewards from the God Almighty, concerning their work, health and future. The first day of the ceremony starts at midnight with a procession of the royal servant, "abdi dalem" who walk in two rows bringing two sets of Gamelan named Kyai Nogowilogo and Kyai Gunturmadu. This procession leaves from the Ponconiti hall.

The climax of Sekaten ceremony is called Garebeg Maulud, held on 12^th of the Javanese month Maulud. This festival starts by a parade of the Palace guard consisting ten units, namely; Wirobrojo, Daeng, Patangpuluh, Jogokaryo, Prawirotomo, Nyutro, Ketanggung, Mantrijero, Surokarso, and Bugis wearing their specific uniforms.

The parade starts from the yard of the northern Kemandungan of the palace, crosses the Sitihinggil, and the pagelaran to the northern square.

The Gunungan, made of food-like vegetables, peanuts, red peppers, eggs, and several delicacies from sticky rice. It is mountain shaped and symbolizes the prosperity and wealth of the Mataram's land.

Elongated ear, Tribal Typical tradition Dayak

Calling tattoo art, there are many tribe at Archipelago that have this tradition as tribal as Dayak, Mentawai, and Papuan. But, elongated ear tradition, just tribe Dayak at Kalimantan who have unique tradition and typical it. That even not all Dayak's tribe, but just a few Dayak's tribe sub one particular.

Even as one of individuality or id that really stands out as Kalimantan's aborigin, but this tradition is present just progressively been left. If even available one withstands, just plays favorites old generation faction little Dayak that old above 60 years.

Besides amount it by one whit, they that its eared origin elongated witting truncate their auricle. Reason that frequent being interposed, outmodel reputed fear or worried their child falt cheap.

According to anthropologist Mering Ngo, one that also indigenous Dayak's tribe, if Dayak's traditional tattoo is now amends become modern tattoo art, elongated ear tradition just getting sinking and is left. No present the rising generation that keep on this tradition, even at Kalimantan's back country even if, with motive medley.

"Adequately I just that its ear made by length. Child seventh me, one even no that its ear made by length," Pejung's speech (82), Dayak Kayan's tribal citizen that its ear made by length until about 15 centimetres.

"I am pity if my children its following shame and as jeer material. Eventually, elongated ear shall begin to do since is still baby," add Pejung.

According to Mering Ngo, besides no router to keep up elongated ear tradition, not also all group or subsuku Dayak at Kalimantan has elongated ear tradition this. At Kalimantan West, e.g., elongated ear tradition just is known for example among Dayak Iban's society, Kayan, Garden, and Dayak Punan. This tradition even most just applies at back country as at Kapuas's Regency Upstream.

Elongated ear makings not only been done on female, but also on male. Elongated ear makings usually been done since is still baby. There is aim even it, according to Mering Ngo, concerned by social strata classification someone in society.

At Dayak Kayan, e.g., elongated ear makings point out that person is indigenous ducal circle.

There is makings even elongated ear on female points out she one noble at a swoop to differentiate with female that made by slave because martial defeat or can't pay book debt.

Any other again with upriver River village Mahakam. Elongated ear to be utilized as id to point out someone age. So baby comes into the world, ear tip given by bead that adequately heavy. Each year, total bead that sticks at crescent ear one.

"In consequence, if wants to know someone age, can be seen of total bead that sticks at ear. If its amount 60, therefore age it must 60 year since bead assemblies can't be done rampant, but one year once," Jacobus Bayau Lung's revealing, Chairman II. Dayak Kalimantan's partnership East.

To the effect elongated ear makings even is not to point out nobility state, but just to coach patient. "Just imagine, just how weight pending bead it at ear. But, since is used everyday, patient and their grief taste becomes practiced," say Bayau Lung.

In the meantime, among Dayak Kayan's society, that auricle becomes length, usually auricle was given by ballast as metal as gets bangle circle form or get pocket edition whirligig form. With this ballast auricle will go on memanjang until some centimetre.

While on Dayak Iban, be not been given such ballast, but just is let appear to be big hole as if we make zero number with band thumb tip with index finger tip.

At Utik's River Orchard, Apan's village, Embaloh's district Upstream, Kapuas's regency Upstream, e.g., found a Dayak Iban named Tuba.

68 surrounding old oldster that year memanjangkan its ear about year 60 an while go abroad to Sarawak and Darussalam's Bruneis. Over there her besides memanjangkan ear also make tattoo at sectioned jugular, arm and thigh.

Univeritas Tanjungpura Prof Dr's Common Law professor Cyprianus Thambun Anyang's Johns declares for, elongated ear tradition Dayak Iban as almost equal to Dayak Garden that withholds ballast.

"On Dayak Garden, elongated ear tradition that don't relate with given social strata. This tradition in particular for female just as keperempuanannya's id," commons law expert flat this.

But, say Thambun, this tradition was left Dayak's society Garden. "My mother is even just just after comes to Pontianak that time asks for to be truncated its auricle because worried its children following shy," its revealing.

According to Thambun, memanjangkan is ear only one of tradition decorates body. Dayak's tribal tradition another is make tattoo and put together gold tooth. But, of drd tradition decorates that body, just tattoo that stills to withstand although progressively loses spiritualnya's meaning. Meanwhile makes length ear and put together gold tooth be left.

"Tradition assembles to fill teeth gold for Dayak Garden to point out pertinent one have gone abroad far, because gold tooth that nicely only is at Sarawak and Darussalam's Brunei," its speech.

Begin when elongated ear tradition this was left?

According to Mering, this unknown a hair's breadth, but is estimated equal to tattoo tradition while begins its input missionaries go to back country at Dayak's gathering place on Dutch colonial epoch before.

This tradition even progressively abrades is gone while confrontation happening among Indonesian and Malaysian at Kalimantan's borderland. stigma's effloresce that time at society, they who get length auricle and stay behind on the house length, one that is dwelt family divers, constituting society group that don't modern. Don't bate to such a view, finally umpteen citizen cuts its length ear.

Stigma this kind of goes on until now. Dayak's the rising generation circle not wants again make length ear for fear reputed outmodel and not modern.

Just plays favorites Dayak's society little that is still hold tradition firmness gets length auricle, and it is amount even it so minim. (M SYAIFULLAH / TRY HARIJONO)